Fort Floyd Cherokee Internment Site
Dahlonega Courthouse built in 1836
This article is adapted from "Cherokee Removal: Forts Along the Georgia Trail of Tears" by Sarah H. Hill.
The correspondence between Campbell and Lt. A.R. Hetzel provides substantial detail about the provisions distributed and the visits made to various posts throughout the removal period. The data indicate that companies maintained relatively good contact with one another even though sites in the Cherokee Nation were often described as remote, unknown, and set in a wilderness. The data also suggest that the purchase of corn and fodder, the hiring of transport wagons, and the leasing of local rooms for offices and housing surely enriched numerous merchants.
Construction.
Although no specific evidence has been found regarding construction at the Dahlonega post, certain aspects can be inferred. The post at Dahlonega was referred to as a camp or cantonment until May 8, 1838, after which time it was called a fort. Col. Lindsay had determined on March 1 that all posts “hereafter occupied” would be defended by stockades, and April 16 Cleveland received specific orders to erect barracks for his men.clxvi We can assume, therefore, that the fort consisted minimally of a picket and barracks. In addition, Cleveland’s company was mounted, which suggests the construction of stables or some kind of paddock for the horses, and storage facilities for the corn and fodder to feed them. The post included a medical department that could have consisted of a tent or a hut. Additionally, Cleveland was given permission for a blacksmith and tools for the upkeep of equipment, which could have resulted in a smithy’s shed.clxvii Quartermaster Campbell was responsible for the wagon teams to supply the five posts in his division and their supply of forage as well. Whether buildings were furnished for the horses and/or wagons has not yet been determined. There were undoubtedly some buildings in town that Cleveland could utilize for some of the fort’s needs, but no invoice for such expenses has appeared in the quartermasters records. Moreover, there was at one time a site in Dahlonega known as the Old Barracks, considered a militia mustering ground.[clxviii] Its possible connection with Ft. Floyd has not been determined.
Supplies.
Ft. Floyd, along with forts Wool and Buffington, became a repository for arms and supplies that were distributed to other posts. As early as March 4, Lt. Hetzel was requesting invoices for the camp and government equipage, subsistence, and ordnance sent to Dahlonega. After Cleveland arrived, he took part of the new brick courthouse for the ordnance and ordnance stores, which were considerable. On April 14, more than 7,000 pounds of arms arrived from Augusta as well as an 82 pound box of flints.clxix References to subsistence and/or camp and garrison equipage sent from Ft. Cass to Dahlonega occurred on March 19, March 24 (when the bacon rations were short), April 3, and May 8.clxx
Prisoners.
The lack of records from Ft. Butler proved most frustrating on the question of the number of prisoners taken by the Ft. Floyd company. Prior to Eustis’s arrival at Ft. Butler, Cleveland wrote to Gen. Scott that he planned to lead 60 men to the Tensawattee or Big Savannah Town the following day for the purpose of capturing Cherokees, but no further report was found in the records.clxxi Since the Ft. Wool records found to this point do not refer to the arrival or sending of prisoners from Ft. Floyd, we can assume that Cleveland began reporting to Eustis soon after he wrote Gen. Scott.
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Sources:
cxlix Andrew W. Cain, History of Lumpkin County for the First Hundred years 1832-1932 (Atlanta: Stein Printing Co., 1932), 127.
cl David Williams, The Georgia Gold Rush (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1993), 62.
cli Sylvia Head and Elizabeth Etheridge, The Neighborhood Mint (Alpharetta, GA: Gold Rush Gallery, 2000), 5.
clii Ibid, 18-19.
cliii Ibid, 35-44.
cliv Don L. Shadburn, Cherokee Planters in Georgia, 1832-1838 (Roswell, GA: W.H. Wolfe Associates, 1990), 227.
clv Ibid, 230-31.
clvi GDAH Letters and Orders of Gov. Gilmer 1837- 1838.
clvii Ibid.
clviii Ibid, NA RG 92 Entry 350 Box 2 Vol. 2, 171-72.
clix NA RG 92 Entry 352 Box 3.
clx GDAH Cherokee Letters Talks Treaties vol. 3, 699.
clxi NA RG 92 Entry 352 Box 6, Entry 357 Box 6.
clxii NA RG 92 Entry 352 Box 3.
The correspondence between Campbell and Lt. A.R. Hetzel provides substantial detail about the provisions distributed and the visits made to various posts throughout the removal period. The data indicate that companies maintained relatively good contact with one another even though sites in the Cherokee Nation were often described as remote, unknown, and set in a wilderness. The data also suggest that the purchase of corn and fodder, the hiring of transport wagons, and the leasing of local rooms for offices and housing surely enriched numerous merchants.
Construction.
Although no specific evidence has been found regarding construction at the Dahlonega post, certain aspects can be inferred. The post at Dahlonega was referred to as a camp or cantonment until May 8, 1838, after which time it was called a fort. Col. Lindsay had determined on March 1 that all posts “hereafter occupied” would be defended by stockades, and April 16 Cleveland received specific orders to erect barracks for his men.clxvi We can assume, therefore, that the fort consisted minimally of a picket and barracks. In addition, Cleveland’s company was mounted, which suggests the construction of stables or some kind of paddock for the horses, and storage facilities for the corn and fodder to feed them. The post included a medical department that could have consisted of a tent or a hut. Additionally, Cleveland was given permission for a blacksmith and tools for the upkeep of equipment, which could have resulted in a smithy’s shed.clxvii Quartermaster Campbell was responsible for the wagon teams to supply the five posts in his division and their supply of forage as well. Whether buildings were furnished for the horses and/or wagons has not yet been determined. There were undoubtedly some buildings in town that Cleveland could utilize for some of the fort’s needs, but no invoice for such expenses has appeared in the quartermasters records. Moreover, there was at one time a site in Dahlonega known as the Old Barracks, considered a militia mustering ground.[clxviii] Its possible connection with Ft. Floyd has not been determined.
Supplies.
Ft. Floyd, along with forts Wool and Buffington, became a repository for arms and supplies that were distributed to other posts. As early as March 4, Lt. Hetzel was requesting invoices for the camp and government equipage, subsistence, and ordnance sent to Dahlonega. After Cleveland arrived, he took part of the new brick courthouse for the ordnance and ordnance stores, which were considerable. On April 14, more than 7,000 pounds of arms arrived from Augusta as well as an 82 pound box of flints.clxix References to subsistence and/or camp and garrison equipage sent from Ft. Cass to Dahlonega occurred on March 19, March 24 (when the bacon rations were short), April 3, and May 8.clxx
Prisoners.
The lack of records from Ft. Butler proved most frustrating on the question of the number of prisoners taken by the Ft. Floyd company. Prior to Eustis’s arrival at Ft. Butler, Cleveland wrote to Gen. Scott that he planned to lead 60 men to the Tensawattee or Big Savannah Town the following day for the purpose of capturing Cherokees, but no further report was found in the records.clxxi Since the Ft. Wool records found to this point do not refer to the arrival or sending of prisoners from Ft. Floyd, we can assume that Cleveland began reporting to Eustis soon after he wrote Gen. Scott.
More...
Sources:
cxlix Andrew W. Cain, History of Lumpkin County for the First Hundred years 1832-1932 (Atlanta: Stein Printing Co., 1932), 127.
cl David Williams, The Georgia Gold Rush (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1993), 62.
cli Sylvia Head and Elizabeth Etheridge, The Neighborhood Mint (Alpharetta, GA: Gold Rush Gallery, 2000), 5.
clii Ibid, 18-19.
cliii Ibid, 35-44.
cliv Don L. Shadburn, Cherokee Planters in Georgia, 1832-1838 (Roswell, GA: W.H. Wolfe Associates, 1990), 227.
clv Ibid, 230-31.
clvi GDAH Letters and Orders of Gov. Gilmer 1837- 1838.
clvii Ibid.
clviii Ibid, NA RG 92 Entry 350 Box 2 Vol. 2, 171-72.
clix NA RG 92 Entry 352 Box 3.
clx GDAH Cherokee Letters Talks Treaties vol. 3, 699.
clxi NA RG 92 Entry 352 Box 6, Entry 357 Box 6.
clxii NA RG 92 Entry 352 Box 3.
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